These are definitely not the best of times for
the Peoples Democratic Party. It will find it difficult to comprehend
what has befallen it, with the election of the Speaker of the House
Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal and his Deputy, Mr. Emeka
Ihedioha.
Since its establishment in 1998, zoning of political offices has been a major pillar of the PDP. The policy is aimed at ensuring that no section of the country is marginalized. Section 7 (2) of the PDP’s constitution states, “In pursuant of the principles of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of party and public elective offices and it shall be enforced by the appropriate executive committee at all levels.”
But on Monday, the ruling party ran into a brick wall as it could not enforce the power sharing arrangement. The PDP, which prides itself as the largest party in Africa, has never found things so tough. In 1999, when it released its power sharing formula, there were no discordant tunes. It zoned the Presidency to the South-West; Vice-presidency to the North-East; Senate presidency was in the South-East; deputy Senate presidency, North-Central; speakership of the House, North-East and deputy speakership, South-South.
In spite of the high turnover of Senate presidents, the position remained in the South-East and the PDP members did not violate the party’s zoning arrangement.
The first test for the PDP’s zoning came in 2010 after the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua from Katsina, North-West. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo, from South-West, was leaving office in 2007, the party zoned the presidency to the North-West; vice-presidency, South-South; Senate presidency, North-Central; speakership, South-West and deputy speakership, North-East.
When Yar’Adua died, the Northern Political Leaders Forum, led by a former Finance Minister, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, had vigorously campaigned against the presidential ambition of his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, on the grounds that the presidency should remain in the North because of zoning.
But the group‘s moves to stop Jonathan failed as most Nigerians believed that the ambition of the man, who is from a minority ethnic group in the oil rich South-South, would go a long way in proving that any Nigerian no matter where he hails from can aspire to govern the country.
Jonathan trounced the NPLF anointed aspirant, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, in the PDP primaries and went ahead to defeat presidential candidates of northern extraction including former military Head of State, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.).
In spite of the post-election violence in some states in the North, votes for Jonathan came from every part of the country. His election is, however, being challenged by Buhari’s party, Congress for Progressive Change.
A few days after the April elections, the ruling party released another zoning arrangement. It zoned the speakership of the House to the South-West; deputy speakership and the PDP chairmanship to the North-East.
It also gave Senate presidency to the North-Central; deputy Senate presidency and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation to the South-East.
Hardly had the party announced the power sharing arrangement when the ‘spirit of rebellion’ crept into some of its lawmakers.
Tambuwal, in spite of warnings by the party, insisted on contesting the speakership. The lawmaker found allies in the opposition parties, particularly, the Action Congress of Nigeria and the CPC, who were still bitter by the PDP victory.
The PDP endorsed a lawmaker from the South-West, Mrs. Mulikat Akande-Adeola, as speaker. It went ahead to threaten to sanction its errant members.
The ACN, which thought that voting for Akande-Adeola, would amount to arming its enemy, mobilized support for Tambuwal. The step, according to the party’s lawmakers would nail the coffin of the PDP in the South-West.
It is also the belief of some analysts in the South-West that the zone did not benefit much from the PDP zoning. In spite of zoning the presidency to it, Lagos-Ibadan expressway; Abeokuta-Lagos Road and other roads in the zone are still in a poor state.
Their view is that the South-West glorious eras were in the First and Second republics, when the zone was not in the mainstream of Nigerian politics.
With the inauguration of the National Assembly, the picture that emerges from the power equation in the country contradicts the PDP zoning arrangement.
The South-East has Secretary to the Government of the Federation; deputy Senate presidency and deputy speakership.
The North-West has Vice-presidency and speakership, while the North-Central has succeeded in clinching Senate presidency.
The North-East will have to wait till PDP convention in March next year to see whether it could get the party chairmanship zoned to it after losing deputy speakership.
The South-West is the worst hit with nothing for it.
By Niyi Odebode Courtesy Of: Punch
Since its establishment in 1998, zoning of political offices has been a major pillar of the PDP. The policy is aimed at ensuring that no section of the country is marginalized. Section 7 (2) of the PDP’s constitution states, “In pursuant of the principles of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of party and public elective offices and it shall be enforced by the appropriate executive committee at all levels.”
But on Monday, the ruling party ran into a brick wall as it could not enforce the power sharing arrangement. The PDP, which prides itself as the largest party in Africa, has never found things so tough. In 1999, when it released its power sharing formula, there were no discordant tunes. It zoned the Presidency to the South-West; Vice-presidency to the North-East; Senate presidency was in the South-East; deputy Senate presidency, North-Central; speakership of the House, North-East and deputy speakership, South-South.
In spite of the high turnover of Senate presidents, the position remained in the South-East and the PDP members did not violate the party’s zoning arrangement.
The first test for the PDP’s zoning came in 2010 after the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua from Katsina, North-West. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo, from South-West, was leaving office in 2007, the party zoned the presidency to the North-West; vice-presidency, South-South; Senate presidency, North-Central; speakership, South-West and deputy speakership, North-East.
When Yar’Adua died, the Northern Political Leaders Forum, led by a former Finance Minister, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, had vigorously campaigned against the presidential ambition of his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, on the grounds that the presidency should remain in the North because of zoning.
But the group‘s moves to stop Jonathan failed as most Nigerians believed that the ambition of the man, who is from a minority ethnic group in the oil rich South-South, would go a long way in proving that any Nigerian no matter where he hails from can aspire to govern the country.
Jonathan trounced the NPLF anointed aspirant, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, in the PDP primaries and went ahead to defeat presidential candidates of northern extraction including former military Head of State, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.).
In spite of the post-election violence in some states in the North, votes for Jonathan came from every part of the country. His election is, however, being challenged by Buhari’s party, Congress for Progressive Change.
A few days after the April elections, the ruling party released another zoning arrangement. It zoned the speakership of the House to the South-West; deputy speakership and the PDP chairmanship to the North-East.
It also gave Senate presidency to the North-Central; deputy Senate presidency and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation to the South-East.
Hardly had the party announced the power sharing arrangement when the ‘spirit of rebellion’ crept into some of its lawmakers.
Tambuwal, in spite of warnings by the party, insisted on contesting the speakership. The lawmaker found allies in the opposition parties, particularly, the Action Congress of Nigeria and the CPC, who were still bitter by the PDP victory.
The PDP endorsed a lawmaker from the South-West, Mrs. Mulikat Akande-Adeola, as speaker. It went ahead to threaten to sanction its errant members.
The ACN, which thought that voting for Akande-Adeola, would amount to arming its enemy, mobilized support for Tambuwal. The step, according to the party’s lawmakers would nail the coffin of the PDP in the South-West.
It is also the belief of some analysts in the South-West that the zone did not benefit much from the PDP zoning. In spite of zoning the presidency to it, Lagos-Ibadan expressway; Abeokuta-Lagos Road and other roads in the zone are still in a poor state.
Their view is that the South-West glorious eras were in the First and Second republics, when the zone was not in the mainstream of Nigerian politics.
With the inauguration of the National Assembly, the picture that emerges from the power equation in the country contradicts the PDP zoning arrangement.
The South-East has Secretary to the Government of the Federation; deputy Senate presidency and deputy speakership.
The North-West has Vice-presidency and speakership, while the North-Central has succeeded in clinching Senate presidency.
The North-East will have to wait till PDP convention in March next year to see whether it could get the party chairmanship zoned to it after losing deputy speakership.
The South-West is the worst hit with nothing for it.
By Niyi Odebode Courtesy Of: Punch
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